
o V 



- 

\ 

< o 
















V A 







v 



L«°* 



v 



o 



c^ 


















it 












^% 






*°^- «5°<* J- -^- .^°-* 









V 



1' "o 



.,„ .v 



•I o 












,\ v 















t^n 



O A* 






.- 

A 1 - * 


















V. • 



'•P 















A 















V 









^^ 






■v? 



°o. 



V 









0* 

o 

, c 0- 







* ^ «*°* ■ v£ 













1 ,* 


















o V 













^° • '^ ^, v> •' \ 



.<r \s A .0 V 






^ 



4 o -r. 









^-0^ 
V *"-^ <« 

































V" 



























DOCUMENTS 

1. THE NEW ENGLAND EMIGRANT AID COMPANY 

AND ENGLISH COTTON SUPPLY ASSOCIATIONS: 
LETTERS OF FREDERICK L. OLMSTED, 1857 

2. K.EARSARGE AND ALABAMA: FRENCH OFFICIAL RE- 

PORT, 1864 



KKPRISTEH FRUM I lit 



American historical Swim* 

VOL. XXIII.. NO. i OCTOBER. IQI7 



I 

> 
I 
a 



6) 



DOCUMENTS 



[Reprinted frcm The American Historical Review, Vol. XXIII, No. I, Oct., 1917.] 



i. The New England Emigrant Aid Company and English Cotton 
Supply Associations: Letters of Frederick L. Olmsted, 1857 

The following letters reveal an attempt made in 1857 by the New 
England Emigrant Aid Company to enlist the aid of English cotton 
manufacturers in colonizing free laborers upon new land in the 
southwest of the United States. The work of this society in as- 
sisting the establishment of free communities in Kansas is well 
known. In encouraging emigrants, furnishing them with advice 
and helping to defray their travelling expenses, and finally by sup- 
plying the new communities with the necessary outfit of capital in 
the form of sawmills, grist-mills, etc., the Emigrant Aid Company 
combated the further advance of slavery with an intelligent policy 
of practical opportunism. Its business-like methods and adherence 
to lawful means still stand out in marked contrast to the violent 
denunciations and revolutionary propaganda which characterized 
much of the anti-slavery movement. 

To have enlisted the services of Frederick Law Olmsted is the 
best sort of proof that the leaders of the Emigrant Aid Company 
were really anxious to learn the truth about slavery, for by the 
publication of his Journey in the Seaboard Slave States in 1856 and 
the Journey through Texas in 1857 Mr. Olmsted had shown him- 
self to be the best-informed and the most unprejudiced and thought- 
ful student of slave society in this country. 

The plan which Mr. Olmsted submitted to the Cotton Supply 
Associations of Manchester and Liverpool was based upon two clear 
and important convictions: (1) that cotton could be successfully 
grown almost anywhere in the South by white labor, and (2) that 
free white labor could in the long run hold its ground against the 
slave-using planters in competition for the land. 1 The success of 

1 The first point was elaborated in Olmsted's Journey in the Back Country, 
PP- 337 — 355- The soundness of the contention has been amply demonstrated by 
the later history of Southern agriculture, especially in Texas. 

On the second point there was ground for a difference of opinion. Would 
the new colonists be any more able to hold their land against the competition of 
the large planters using slave gangs than were the small farmers of the South 
Atlantic states who in earlier decades had been driven on to poorer soils and to 
the new Southwest? Much would undoubtedly have depended on the character 

("4) 



New England /''migrant Aid Company i 15 

the colonization plan in not only checking the further advance, bul 
in hastening the eventual disappearance of slavery would have de- 
fended upon another circumstance, also, which Mr. Olmsted does 
not seem to have recognized. Slavery depended for its profitable- 
ness on a constantly available supply of new land. As soon as the 
rapidly decreasing supply of fresh lands suitable for cotton cul- 
tivation had been exhausted, the economic weakness of the slave 
system would have been sure to display itself and eventually its 
political support would have failed. Thus, in planning to seize this 
new land in advance by free-labor colonists, the Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany were preparing, perhaps more scientifically than they them- 
selves realized, to hasten the inevitable decay of the "peculiar insti- 
tution " of the South. 

Dr. Samuel Cabot, to whom this correspondence was addressed, 
was a physician of considerable reputation in Boston, one of the 
twenty original directors of the Emigrant Aid Company and an un- 
tiring worker in its service. 

Percy W. Bidwell. 
I. 

New Haven, July 26th, 1857. 
( Morris Co\ 1 
Dr. S. Cabot, 1r. 

(N. E. E. A. Soc'y) 
Dear Sir 

I extremely regret the circumstance which so long delayed my re- 
ceipt of your letter of 16th July, to which I now reply. 

Enclosed I send you a copy of the draft of a communication ad- 
dressed by me on the 6th July, severally, to the Cotton Supply Associa- 
tions of Manchester, and of Liverpool. 2 These papers were taken out 
and would be delivered in person to the Secretary's of the associations, 
by Mr. William Neill, one of our largest Cotton merchants, dealing with 
Manchester, and the editor of a weekly Cotton circular, much quoted 
by the English journals. Mr. Neill sail'd from New York on the 8th. 
You will perceive that my object has been thus far to secure a proper 
consideration of the subject, and that in these papers I have treated it 
simply in the Cotton Supply aspect. By the same mail however I ad- 
dressed letters to individuals, with whom I have had a little correspond- 
ence previously, treating of the political and moral bearings of the 
project, stating the general principles on which I thought it would be 
best to proceed; fortifying my suggestions and statements with docu- 
ments and in two instances — to Lord Goderiche M. P. from the Wet 
of the new settlers and upon the amount of aid and direction furnished by the 
Emigrant Aid Company. It must also be r. nists would 

have settled on the last frontier of the cotton area and consequently would have 
been more reluctant to sell out than the earlier competitors of the planters. 

- These local associations or branches t a little 

before this. The Cotton Supply Association of Great Britain held its first an- 
nual meeting in April, 1858. 



1 1 6 Documents 

Riding and C. Fowler Buxton M. l'. :: who has much influence in Man- 
chester, requesting that the proposal of my letters to the Cotton Asso- 
ciations meet with due consideration. 1 addressed a short note also, 
(continuing a conversation I had last autumn on the agricultural capa- 
bilities of the United I to the editor of the Times. Colonel Ham- 
ilton, who has the most encouraging view of the project, promised me to 
write to Lord Stanley 4 and friends at Liverpool by the following steam- 
er's mail. 

I trust that what has been thus done (previous to my receiving 
any intimation that you had thought of soliciting money in England) 
will have prepared the ground favorably to Mr. Paddleford's arrival. 
It is a most fortunate circumstance that a competent person will be 
present to meet objections and take advantage of various circumstances 
in the discussion, if one should occur, in which facts, likely to be fa- 
miliar to Mr. P., will tell happily. 

With regard to the proposal to be made by Mr. Taddleford, if any, 
and the information must desirable to be furnished, he will of course 
be guided by circumstances, but unless met with much greater favor 
than I can anticipate, I may venture to -a\ that I am confident in the 
judgment that it would not be best to urge much more at present than 
careful enquiry, in some such manner as I have done in my letters. 
We shall find, I apprehend, a strong influence against us in East India 
and other colonial interests, and also in a narrow patriotism. From 
Lord Goderiche's letter to me, I am sure that the American political 
relations of the project should be kept out of sight as much as pos- 
sible in England. The name of the N. E. E. Aid Society should not at 
present be mentioned, because the Society has a certain political noto- 
riety and English gentlemen will generally feel it to be their duty, not 
to listen to a proposal which seems likely to connect their names with 
the internal political affairs of a foreign government. This is not only 
somewhat reasonable but with the class represented by the Times, it 
happens now to be a fashion. They may be drawn into it gradually, 
as they gain knowledge of the true character of the society, perhaps, 
but the dread of lending their aid even indirectly to what might turn 
out to be a merely political scheme (in the narrow sense), would be 
likely to prevent their giving the subject a fair hearing. Everybody 
knows who has had to do with Englishmen, that it is peculiarly true of 
them, that it is the first step which costs. The great point at first is to 
get them to listen. If they will go so far this autumn as to send out 
an agent to obtain information, I shall feel quite sure of our leading 
them from that to the most valuable co-operation. . . /' 

3 George Frederick Robinson (1S27-1909, at this time known by the courtesy 
title of Lord Goderich) was afterward Earl de Grey and Ripon and first Marquis 
of Ripon. On March 30, 1S57, he had been elected to succeed Cobden as M. P. 
for the West Riding of Yorkshire. Charles Buxton (1823-1S71), son of Sir 
Thomas Fowell Buxton, was returned to the House of Commons for Newport in 
1857- 

4 Lord Stanley (1S26— 1S93), eldest son of the fourteenth Earl of Derby and 
afterward fifteenth earl and cabinet minister, was from iSjS to 1S59 M. P. for 
King's Lynn. 

5 Here follows a criticism of the work of an English traveller, Robert Rus- 
sell (North America, its Agriculture and Climate, Edinburgh, 1857), which Olm- 
sted feared might exert aii unfavorable influence on the English attitude toward 



New England Emigrant Aid Company 1 1 7 

I enclose papers put into my hands last night by Mr. Kapp a which 
must be used with discretion. I promised to return them in course of 
the week. They contain offers to sell lands of the choicest unimproved 
character in the vicinity of the northernmost German settlements of 
Texas and precisely in the line we wish to occupy and evidently at un- 
usually low prices. I think some encouragement should be offered to 
the owners, who are Scotchmen — the merchants mentioned in my book 
at N. Braunfels, who bought the free-labor cotton. 7 I know that they 
have made their land investments with great care. I have another offer 
of choice, selected lands in the same region and to the northward of it, 
20,000 acres at 90 cts an acre. Another of 2000 acres same district, 
selected lots at 50 cts. or one half in alternate lots, for nothing, on con- 
dition of occupation within three years: another of 2 leagues in the 
Brazos, Milan County (6000 acres) $1.50 an acre, another on the Nueces 
35 miles north of Corpus Christi, 20,000 acres, in one body, at $1.00 an 
acre. Large tracts of cotton land can be best got, however, by deal- 
ing with the R. R. companies. 

I am obliged to close suddenly and will probably write further by 
next mail 

Yours Respectfully 

Fred. Law Olmsted. 
Copy. II. 

New York, July 6th, 1857. 
To the Secretary of the 
Cotton Supply Association 

Sir 

My attention having been directed for some years past to the 
cotton producing regions of the North American Continent, I take leave 
to present certain views I have formed for the consideration of your 
association. ,: fl| 

Under the stimulus of high prices, valuable contributions of cotton 
are obtained from various other parts of the world than the United 
States; measures may be taken by which this auxilliary supply will be 
much increased. After much research and several costly experiments 
however, it yet remains very questionable if any where else in the world, 
an equal value of cotton-wool can be obtained from a given expenditure 
of labor, as in that part of the N. A. Continent lying between the thir- 
tieth and the thirty sixth parallels of latitude. No where else are the 
same meteorological conditions found which here prevail, nor is [it] 
to be expected that by any exercise of human ingenuity they will be 
obtained. 

The amount of labor engaged in the production of cotton within 
the region thus favored does not exceed that of one strong man to a 
square mile. If one half the agricultural population of lutrope was 
the colonization scheme. He also sketches his plans for a third volume of the 
series Our Slave Stales, which appeared in 1S60 under the title, A Journey in 
the Bach Country. 

Friedrich Kapp (1824-1884), the well known writer on slavery and on the 
German element in America. Olmsted's account of the history of New Braun- 
fels. in his Journey through Texas, pp. 172-177, is based on a published lecture 
by his friend Kapp. 

? A Journey through Texas (New York, 1857), p. 146. On New Braunfels, 
see G. G. Benjamin, The Germans in Texas (Philadelphia, 1909), pp. 4 1-54- 



i 1 8 Documents 

transferred to this region it would not be at all densely populated and 
the laborers would probably be better paid in producing cotton at l l /> d. 
a pound, than they are at present. An adequate supply of labor only 
is needed to increase the supply of Cotton from North America, tenfold. 
It is for the interest of those whose capital is invested in Slaves that 
the impression should prevail that the cultivation of cotton is imprac- 
ticable by means of any other than negro slave labor, a monopoly of 
supplying which in the United Slates they enjoy. After extended and 
exact inquiry, having spent a summer in the cotton districts for the 
purpose, I am certain that this is not the case. There are exceptional, 
malarious and pestilential regions but in the largest part of the present 
Cotton producing region of the United States the labor of men of the 
English or Teutonic races will produce more cotton, man for man, in a 
life time, than of those of the African race. 

I would suggest to your association therefore, that inquiry be made 
with regard to the practicability of increasing the supply of cotton by 
inducing free laborers to engage in its cultivation in the South Western 
territories of the United States. ■ There are here vast tracts of suitable 
soil, as yet unoccupied by planters, and in which the political and social 
circumstances that prevent the introduction of free laborers elsewhere, 
exist if at all. in a very limited degree. 

Three years ago the Governor of the State of Texas* told me that 
the cotton crop of the United States might be doubled on the land as 
yet unoccupied in that state alone. There are millions of acres of this 
land in the vicinity of which Slavery does not exist in a form to prevent 
their occupation by free labor. There is nothing in the laws, nor, under 
discreet direction, need there be anything in the prejudices of the 
people, to prevent free settlers occupying this land. Large tracts of it 
can be procured at from two to six shillings (sterling) an acre. If a 
large free emigration were directed to them they would rapidly increase 
in value several hundred per cent. This increase in value would pre- 
vent the subsequent immigration of Slave-holders upon them. In Comal 
County in Texas within the last ten years, three thousand Germans 
have settled. 9 Since they have been well established as a community, 
no slave proprietor has settled among them and such as were previously- 
settled in the vicinity have been induced to employ free-laborers in 
occupations for which they would otherwise have purchased more 
Slaves. The Germans were thus engaged in the cultivation of cotton, 
and in one year, they produced, without previous experience or the 
usual conveniences, 800 bales, which I was informed, by the Merchant 
who purchased it, was superior in quality to any slave grown cotton he 
had ever seen. 

Some further information on this subject may be gathered from my 
narrative of a Journey in Texas, a copy of which I take leave to send 
you by my friend Mr. William Neill of the house of Neill Brothers and 
Company, Cotton Merchants, to whom I have also communicated more 
fully my views of the measures which might be taken to increase the 
supply of cotton from the United States. 

If your association should be disposed to prosecute the enquiry I 
have suggested I would gladly give any assistance in my power — coming 

8 Elisha M. Pease, governor from 1853 to 1857. 

See Journey through Texas, p. 428, " in Comal, Gillespie, and Medina coun- 
ties nearly all the inhabitants are Germans ". 



New England Emigrant Aid Company 119 

to England for the purpose, if it should be thought desirable. I have 
recently seen two of the largest Cotton Spinners of America and am 
able to give you assurance of an effective co-operation on their part 
with any judicious movement to direct free laborers to increase cotton 
production in America. If you should think it well to send an agent to 
examine the regions available for this purpose, as I would venture to 
earnestly recommend, it would give me pleasure to accompany him upon 
the journey, and to assist in obtaining all desirable information. It 
would be best to leave New York in September, and, as most of the 
country to be examined would have to be traversed on horseback, three 
months time should be allowed for the journey. The expenses of the 
tour need not exceed £200, and my personal services would be gratuitous 
to your association. 

It is desirable that this subject should not at present be publicly 
discussed. 



2. Kearsarge and Alabama: French official Report, 1864 

The following papers, for which we are indebted to Mr. Waldo 
G. Leland, were found by him in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris 
( Manuscrits Franqais, Nouvelles Acquisitions. 9466, ff, 95 98). 
They are addressed to the prcfet maritime of Cherbourg, Vice- 
admiral Dupouy, by the captain of the Couronne, a French iron- 
clad then stationed there and present at the right between the hear 
sarge and the Alabama on June [9, [864. The report has a value. 
as adding, to the original sources already known, Union, Confed- 
erate, and British, a professional account by an eyewitness who was 
an experienced naval officer of a neutral nation, and whose function 
it was to escort the Alabama outside the three-mile limit and in a 
sense to supervise the combat. 

I. Recit du Combat entre i.e Kerseage hi l' Alabama. 
Fregate Cuirassee La Couronne Cherbourg, le 10 juin, [864. 

. hniral. 

informement a vos ordres j'ai allume les feux en menu- temps que 
le batiment conf6dere Alabama. A 7I1. 50 nous avions de la pression. 
Le batiment federal Kerseage restait dans le N. E. a tres grande dis 
tance. A oh. 45 Y Alabama a appareille et la Couronne file son corps 
mort et l'a suivi a la distance prescrite. Des que ce batiment a etc en 
dehors des eaux territoriales je me suis dirige immediatement sur la 
rade et j'ai repris le mouillage que j'occupais avant mon depart. 

Nous axons suivi de la mature les mouvementS des deux batiments 
qui se trouvaient tres an large. < m ne distinguait pas bien leurs mouve 
aunts, lorsque tout-a-coup on m'a prevu que 1'on croyait avoir vu un 
di deux batiments couler lias; on distinguait sur les lieux du sinistre 
une tres grande reunion de batiments et de bateaux du port. Je me suis 
empresse de vous transmettre cette information, mais a cause de la 
ce ou se trouvaient les combattants et de I'etat brumeux du temp- 



1 20 Documents 

il etait difficile de se rendre compte exact de l'etat des choses. Le 
batiment a vapeur le Var se dirigeait du reste sur les lieux. 

Je suis avec respect 
Amiral 
votre tres obeissant serviteur 
Le Cap'ne de V'eau Command't la Couronne 

Penh oat 
P.S. Nous avons acquis la certitude que c'est i 'Alabama qui a succombe 
dans cette lutte glorieuse. 

II. MOUVEMENTS DE LA CoUYOnnC ET DES DEUX BaTIMENTS AmERICAINS. 

3I1.30 Apercu le Kerseagc au N. E. 

5.45 Alabama commence a virer. 

6.10 Alabama allume les feux. 

6.10 Couronne allume les feux. 

6.55 Couronne communique avec Alabama. 

7.25 Kerseagc au N. E. courant a l'O. 

7.50 Alabama a de la pression. 

7.55 Couronne a de la pression. 

8.00 Kerseage a l'E.N.E. bien loin. 

8.30 Couronne prete a marcher. 

g.30 Alabama vire a pic. 

9.30 Couronne aux postes d'appareillage. 

9.35 Kerseage a l'E. i N.E. 

9.45 Alabama appareille. 

9.50 Kerseage disparu. 

9.54 Alabama passe devant la Couronne. 

9.55 Couronne appareille. 

10.00 Alabama double la pointe du Mensoir. 1 

10.07 Kerseage au N. E. 

10.10 Alabama quitte le pilote. 

10.18 Couronne double le Mensoir. 

10.20 Kerseage au N. 8o° E. 

10.22 Couronne gouverne a l'E.N.E. 

10.23 Alabama au N. E. -i N. 

10.30 Kerseage change de route ( vient sur tribord). 

10.50 Couronne vient sur babord, rentre. 

10.50 Kerseage arbore sa demi-enseigne. 

11.03 Commence le combat. 

11.50 Couronne mouille. 

Le batiment confedere Alabama, commande par le Cap. Semmes. 
mouilla sur la rade de Cherbourg le 11 juin 1864 venant du Cap de 
bonne esperance. Ce batiment avait declare 122 hommes d'equipage ; on 
a su depuis qu'il avait a bord 22 officiers confederes. L'Alabama etait 
1111 joli batiment a helice de 13 a 1400 tonneaux.'-' bien mate d'un faible 

1 Apparently the western point of the great breakwater which protects the 
harbor of Cherbourg. There is a map of the scene of the engagement in the 
Report of the Secretary of the Navy for 1S64, opposite page 631, and this is 
reproduced in Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies, III., opp. 
p. 81. 

- 1040 tons. Scharf, History of the Confederate States Navy (Albany, 
1894), p. 797. 



Kearsarge and Alabama 1 2 i 

echantillon en bois, arme de 6 canons. 8 Deux de ces canons ctoicnl 
etablis a pivot, le premier entre le mat de misaine et Ie grand mat etait 
une piece rayee de 9 polices, portant un boulet creux cylindro-spherique. 
Le second canon place entre le grand mat et le mat d'artimon etait inn- 
piece a anse lisse 4 du calibre de 48 a 50, boulet plein ( pour.lvs calibres 
il peut y avoir du doute, on s'en est rapporte aux assertions des ofheiers 
sans la controler par esprit de discretion), les autres pieces etaient du 
30, ayant l'apparence de nos obusiers de 30 de marine. Le Capitaine 
disait que le cuivre de son batiment etait en mauvais etat : il avait rce.ii 
1'autorisation de completer son charbon a Cherbourg [word illegible], 
et non de se reparer, car il n'est pas entre dans le port.'' 

Le Kcrscagc, commande par le Capitaine Vinslow, 6 a paru le 14 
devant la Digue, venant de Douvres. 7 Ce batiment a declare 140 hommes 
d'equipage. 8 C'est un aviso a helice de 14 a 1500," arme de 6 canons 
dont deux canons Dahlgreen de 11 pouces (27 cm.) du poids de 7700 
Kilog. etablis a pivot sur le pont, 1'un entre le grand mat et le mat de 
misaine. l'autre entre le grand mat et le mat d'artimon. Ces deux 
canons lancaient des obus et des grappes composees de biscayens et de 
boulets de 4 ; il n'y avait pas a bord de boulet plein pour cette artillerie: 
les 4 autres canons etaient des pieces de 32 correspondant a notre 30. 
nos. 3 011 4. 

Le Kcrscagc est un batiment en bois. d'assez fort echantillon blinde 
sur le cote avec des bouts de chaine de 36 a 40 mm. de fer de maillon. 
placees verticalement depuis le bastingage jusqu'a 1 metre au-dessous 
de la flottaison, ces bouts de chaine sont serres l'lin contre l'autre de 
telle sorte que la maille a plat engraine dans la maille en saillie. le tout 
est lie par des amarrages en filin. je ne connais pas le systeme qui 
rattache cette sorte de cotte de maille an batiment ( ce sont des crampons 
probablement ). le tout est reconvert d'un leger soufflage en sapin. 

Ce blindage est place sur le cote du batiment de maniere a couvrir 
sa machine. 

Le Kcrscagc se presente devant la passe de l'Kst sans entrer el 
vint demander 1'autorisation de Communiquer avec son consul, autorisa- 
tion qui lui fut accordee apres quelques difficultes sanitaires. 11 s'etablil 
en suite en croisiere an large de la digue, en dehors des eaux territoriales 
avec une telle discretion que la plupart du temps il etait hors de vue. 

On a dit que les deux capitaines s'etaient envoye un cartel. 1< 
Capitaine Vinslow repousse cette assertion, il n'a envoye aucun defi 
mais il avait requ une lettre du Cap'ne Semmes qui lui annonqait qu'il 
sortirait pour le combattre. le Cap'e Semmes avait annonce sa resn 
lution officiellement et prevenu qu'il sortirait le Dimanche 19 entre n 
beures et 10 heures du matin, les deux batiments avaient rec,u des leur 

3 The armament of the Alabama consisted of one [IO-pounder rifled pivot 
<un, one heavy eifiht-inch 68-ponnder (qooo pounds), and six .u-pounders. 
Official Records, III. 59, 77, 81 ; Semmes. Service Afloat ( t<joo). p. 753. 

* Smooth-bore. 

5 See Official Records, III. 647, 652. 654. 658. 661. 663. 

8 Captain John A. Winslow. U. S. N. 

7 And Flushing. 

8 Officers 19, crew 144. Official Records. III. 77. 

■ 1030 tons. Besides the armament described below, there was a 28-pound 
rifle. Official Records. III. 59. 



i 2 2 Documents 

arrivee dans le port un extrait des instructions aux quelles les belligerents 
doivent se conformer pendant leur sejour sur les rades franchises. 

Le Dimanche matin V Alabama alluma les feux vers 6 heures et toutc 
la population garnissait les quais, les moles, les tours, le Roule 10 et la 
Digue pour voir le combat naval, il y avait affluence de Parisiens 
arrives le matin par un train de plaisir. 

U Alabama appareille vers 9 h £ et lorsqu'il fut devant la Couronnc. 
cette fregate laissa filer son corps-mort et le suivit a tine distance 
sufnsante pour ne pas gener ses mouvements. elle avait ordre d'empecher 
tout engagement dans les eaux territoriales et de revenir au mouillage 
des qu'elle serait assuree que le combat serait livre en dehors des eaux 
franchises. 

Au moment oil les batiments doublaient le Mensoir de l'Est. le 
Kcrscagc reste dans l'E.N.E., le cap 11 au N. E. a 12 milles de distance, 
parvenu a la limite des eaux territoriales la Couronne signale sa position 
a la Digue, qui signale a la Coiifonnc de reprendre son mouillage, -ce 
qui fut execute sans delai. II y avait au large nombre d'embarcations 
du port, trois yachts anglais dont un a vapeur. Le Var etait sous pres- 
sion pret a porter secours au besoin. 

Des que I' Alabama se trouva libre de ses mouvements, il se dirigea 
stir le Kcrscagc qui continuait a faire route au N. E. Mais peu apres. 
celui-ci changea de route et se dirigea sur Y Alabama. Les deux bati- 
ments couraient l'un et l'autre a toute vapeur et la distance qui les 
separait se trouva bientot reduite jusqu'a la portee du canon. Alors 
1' 'Alabama changea de route et sembla d'ecrire un demi-tour sur babord 
pour presenter la hanche de tribord a son adversaire : ]>uis il commenca 
le feu avec sa piece a pivot de l'arriere. Los batiments pouvaient se 
trouver a 8 ou 9 encablures l'un de l'autre et a 9 ou 10 milles de terre. 
Le Kcrscagc ne repondit pas a ce premier et ne commenc,a a tirer 
qu'apres le 3ieme coup. 

Cette position oblique en retraite prise par VAIabama etait cer- 
tainement la position la plus sure pour un batiment de faible echantillon 
comme VAIabama ; il presentait a 1'ennemi un but restreint, il couvrait 
autant que possible sa machine et croyant avoir la superiorite de marche. 
il etait maitre de la distance, il attaquait 1'ennemi avec sa piece la plus 
puissante, dans la partie non cuirassee; mais soit que le Cap'ne Semmes 
se soit laisse emporter par son ardeur, soit qu'il ignorat, comme on 
l'assure, que le Kcrscagc fut cuirasse. 1 - il resta tres peu de temps dans 
cette position et faisant un demi-tour sur tribord, il alia croiser son 
adversaire a contre bord en le canonnant vivement par son cote de 
tribord. A partir de ce moment les deux adversaires ont tottrne l'un 
autour de l'autre, sur des cercles dont les rayons ont varie depuis 4 
encablures jusqu'a 2 et se canonnant a contre bord par le cote tribord. 
On a compte jusqu'a 7 tours. Mais a ce jeu le Kcrscagc qui etait blinde 

1° The Roule is a height behind the town (no in. I with a wide view. 

11 Cap Levi. 

1- Semmes. pp. 753-754, complains bitterly of this " unchivalrous " protec- 
tion as unknown to him ; his lieutenant Arthur Sinclair, T~eo Years on (he Ala- 
bama (third ed., Boston. i.Sg6). pp. J59, 261, 274. says that Semmes had full 
knowledge of the fact, having been informed of it by the port admiral iprcfcl 
maritime) himself; Barron's letter of June 27 shows that he, Semmes's immediate 
superior, was aware of the essential facts. Official Records, III. 649. 



Rearsarge and Alabama 123 

sur le cote avait tout 1'avantage, il pouvait de plus tirer avec ses deux 
enormes canons. Atteint de trois coups sur le cote dont deux pres de la 
flottaison, le blindage en chaine arreta les projectiles qui auraicnt 
desempare la machine s'ils avaient penetre dans le batiment. sans le 
blindage l'issu du combat aurait pu etre different, quoiqu'il en soit, 
X 'Alabama requt des obus qui ebranlerent sa charpente au point qu'il ne 
tarda pas a faire de l'eau. un eclat d'obus ou un boulet atteignit 
probablement une chaudiere, car on vit tout a coup un nuage de vapeur 
s'echapper de ses flancs. Quelques personnes ont assure qu'il requt 
derriere un obus qui en eclatant le desemparfait] de son helice ct de son 
gouvernail. toujours est-il que la machine s'arreta et que V Alabama mit 
a la voile tachant de rallier la terre; mais a partir de ce moment il etait a 
la discretion de son adversaire qui en a bien profite, car un moment apres 
VAlabama se rendit et ne tarda pas a couler a pic en s'enfonqant par 
1'arriere. 

Tout se qui surnageait a ete sauve par le Canot du Pilote Mauger, 
les embarcations du Kerseage, et le yacht a vapeur anglais 13 qui sauva le 
Cap'ne Semmes et les officiers et se dirigea vers les cotes d'Angleterre a 
la grande stupefaction du Cap'ne Vinslow. Relativement a ce de- 
nouement desastrefux] la perte en hommes n'a pas ete considerable. On 
compte 2 noyes, 6 tues et 16 a 17 tues [blesses]. 

Le Kerseage a requ trois boulets sur le blindage dans le pro- 
longement de la cheminee qui n'ont produit qu'un effet insignifiant. 
un boulet a traverse la cheminee, deux projectiles ont traverse au ras 
du pont. l'un en eclatant a blesse trois hommes. ce sont les seuls blesses 
qui ait eu le Kerseage. un obus s'est loge dans la tete de l'etambot ou 
il est reste sans eclater. l'etambot porte dans cette partie des fentes 
longitudinales, mais le systeme est.solide. 

Les deux champions se sont bien battus, le confedere avec fougue, 
le Yankee avec flegme. VAlabama a beaucoup tire. Le Kerseage a tire 
130 coups, dont 52 avec les Dahlgreen. 14 

Voici quelles sont les dimensions des canons du Kerseage : 

Canons Dahlgreen. 







Mesures 


Anglaises. 


Diametre de l'anse 


2-C-94 


II 


inchi 


:s. 


Longueur totale 


4.12 [m.] 


13 


ft. 6 


inch. 


Poids du boulet plein 


86.97 [kilos.] 


192 


poun 


ds English. 


" de l'obus 


62.96 


139 


" 


" 


Poids du canon 


7701.00 


17000 


u 


a 


Charge pour obus 


6.800 


15 


" 


tt 


pour boulet 


9.07 


20 


It 


ti 


Vitesse initiale (douteux) 


4267. 









II n'y avait pas a bord du Kerseage de boulet plein pour cette artil- 
lerie, mais on m'assure que depuis pen des experiences ont conduit a 
adopter le boulet plein pour cette piece. 

is The Deerhound. 

i' 173 and 55 respectively. Official Records. III. 64. 



119 7a 54 8 



>• . 






J?**, 



-f> 



^ 










f U 












% 



<W 



0° . 









^ 



v v 



& 













ev 

s • • / 



^ v 

.v *, 










% 



*< 
%» 






,0 



,,* **• "At. 

-7- -lO, 



A* 






»♦. .V 



^ 









> 






~b 

.0. 



°o. 







,'j »» 



,0 c ° ° . 



.0 ' > v 









•^ * 















^ v .•■ 












*V 






L-., 



V 







♦ 0-' 







